The white fishing boat with the green stripe bobs
up in down in rough Adriatic waters. Sirens on, the joint
Italian-Albanian coast guard zodiacs precariously sidle up alongside,
demanding to be let aboard to search the boat’s interior for contraband.
The boat operator, dressed in orange jumpsuit, shrugs and complies. Two
more guys emerge from the hold.
Once, finding drugs bound for the rest of the Europe
inside the boats trawling the sea was simple – just look for the huge
bales of cannabis stashed in the cargo hold. But several years ago, the
Albanian authorities launched an aggressive eradication effort in the
countryside of the small, poor Balkan state, hoping that destroying the
cannabis fields and arresting some of the growers would decrease the
power of the traffickers, rid the country of its pariah status, and help
ease its entry into the European Union.

Instead, it only convinced the traffickers to graduate into
a more lucrative and deadly game. Now a million dollars’ worth of
cocaine could be hidden in a small crevice or hidden compartment of a
fishing boat. And traffickers now use the same networks they established
to move vast amounts of bulky cannabis to distribute cocaine from Latin
America and heroin from Central Asia via Italy to the rest of Europe.

Albanian gangs are considered among the world’s
top heroin, cocaine and cannabis traffickers. Both US and European law
enforcement officials have described Albania
as the largest provider of cannabis to the EU, as well as an important
transit point for heroin and cocaine. Based on the value of drug
seizures, some estimate that the marijuana alone generates up to $4bn
(£3bn) a year, half of Albania’s GDP.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
Xhemal Gjunkshi, an opposition member of the Albanian parliament and a former army officer (Borzou Daragahi)and full corrupt.

 

“The Adriatic Sea is now a highway for drug
trafficking,” says Xhemal Gjunkshi, an opposition member of the Albanian
parliament and a former army officer.
The
coast guard officials, who asked that their names not be published
during a rare foray out to sea with journalists, say they must be
careful. The traffickers are often armed with assault rifles, though
they have yet to use them against the coast guard.
“The years 2015 to 2016 were terrible,” says a ranking coast guard official. “It was Colombia.”
The white fishing boat with the green stripe is searched, and allowed to go on its way.
Occasionally, the coast guard – often
collaborating with the EU’s Frontex border patrol forces – gets lucky.
Last January, it found 1.5 tonnes of cannabis beneath a tarp on a boat.
In recent months, hundreds of kilogrammes of cocaine were discovered
hidden in bananas imported from Colombia.
More often the drugs slip by. Albanian officials
concede that they only intercept  10 per cent of drug shipments in and
out of the country. One Western diplomat said the number was more like 5
per cent, leaving traffickers with enough wealth to buy up port
authorities from Rotterdam to Izmir.
“The sophisticated trafficking groups have gotten
so powerful that they have networks all over the world,” says Alfonc
Rakaj, a Tirana-based researcher and consultant focused on Albania and
the western Balkans.

 

“They are very good at managing networks
throughout the world – from Latin America to Western Europe. And it’s
quite clear that all these gangs operate with a certain level of
political and police protection and support.”
In just a few years, say diplomats and officials, Albania has become the narcotics
trafficking headquarters of the continent, and many fear the money has
thoroughly infected the political elite, making it harder to shake off
even with the lure of EU membership.

“It’s the Colombia of Europe,” said one Western diplomat.
“It’s the drug producer and distributor of Europe. It is a narco-state,
and they’d lose too much money getting out of trafficking to get into
the EU.”
The drug trade is etched into the very skylines of the
country’s main cities, including the capital, Tirana, and the port
cities of Durres and Vlora. On paper Albania has one of the poorest
economies in Europe, with a miserly banking sector tight with credit.
On the ground, Albanian cities are undergoing a massive
construction boom with gleaming office and residential towers and
shopping centres rising, with fancy new retail outlets.
Young beefy guys driving around town in late-model Humvees
playing Albanian and American gangster rap. One of the biggest hits in
Albania in recent years became a song called “Cocaina”, which likens a beautiful woman to quality blow.

“Albania is no longer a hub of cultivation,” said
one EU official. “It’s become a centre of investment, distribution, and
recruitment.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
A joint patrol by the Albanian and Italian coast guard off the coast of Durres in the Adriatic Sea (Borzou Daragahi)

 

 

They called him “il Padrino” or “burned face,”
for the distinctive scars he had on his left cheek. For years, Edison
Harizaj was the leader of the Vlora cannabis trafficking network, a man
who got to the top by driving out rivals using violence and
intimidation, but also by bribing local police and officials to hit his
enemies’ safe houses and storage facilities while leaving his gang’s
alone.  
When officials refused to comply, he allegedly
had little compunction about retaliating. He was under investigation for
the murder of a judge in 2011 over a property dispute.
But Mr Harizaj’s s rivals didn’t fare so poorly
either. Driven out of Vlora, a city beloved by traffickers for its
proximity to Italy’s coastline, they wound up moving their operations to
Belgium, Netherlands, and the UK, and shifted earlier into the more
lucrative business of cocaine and heroin. They amassed vast fortunes,
built up ties with Italian and Latin American counterparts, and then,
beginning about a year ago, moved in on Mr Haziraj.
Over the course of a year, some 23 people
connected to the drug trade disappeared, part of what Artan Hoxha, an
Albanian investigative journalist, calls increasing competition between
rival Albanian drug gangs and networks.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
Edison Haziraj, nicknamed “Il Padrino”, was killed last year in a shoot-out (Albania Police)

 

 

Albania’s traffickers have so far kept a low
profile, preferring to keep out of the limelight. Thus far few if any
civilians have been caught up in their drug wars. But they are not above
menacing those who shine attention on their trade.
In December, Mr Hoxha was on a television show
displaying images of a suspect meant to be under house arrest on drug
charges, but actually going about his business. While discussing the
story on air, he received a phone call from an anonymous man. It was a
death threat.
“I receive them daily,” Mr Hoxha says.
The increasing violence has also scared some
traffickers away from the business. Last summer, one trafficker, Gazmend
Merkaj, discovered a remotely detonated bomb attached to his car.
Realising he was being targeted for assassination, he turned himself
over to the police rather than risk the wrath of his rivals.
In jail, he was nearly killed by another prisoner
allegedly hired to murder him in a knife attack. He’s now being held in
a prison hospital in Tirana, away from other inmates, and according to
Mr Hoxha, singing like a bird to prosecutors.
Mr Harizaj, the drug kingpin nicknamed “Il
Padrino”, was not so lucky. On 7 November last year, he was killed in a
hail of gunfire on the road between Tirana and Durres. He was 39, and
most likely the victim of the same traffickers he and his comrades
pushed out of Albania some years ago.  
“They came back to kill the king.” says Mr Hoxha.
“It’s not like Ciudad Juarez or Tijuana. But the battle that has begun
is over control of the Vlora area, and it has gotten more violent.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
A scene from Albania’s main port at Durres (Borzou Daragahi)

 

 

Albania has been a centre of the
drug trade since the late 1990s when the war in the former Yugoslavia
moved the trafficking of drugs, stolen cars and even people further
south. “Albanians became the specialists of moving drugs and people to
the rest of Europe,” says Mr Hoxha.
The 1990s also coincided with rise of organised crime.
Gangs looted weapons from armouries in the chaos of a 1997 uprising
over a failed financial institution. That civil conflict that left 2,000
people dead and was quelled only with the aid of 7,000 UN peacekeepers.
Amid the chaos, so-called “no-go” areas began to gel, taken over by
armed drug traffickers bound together by clan ties.
“We have to fight very bad images from the past,” says Romina Kuko, deputy minister of the interior.

 

Over the past few years, Albania has embarked on a
massive effort to eradicate cannabis growth, raiding several towns.
Lazarat was one such no-go area. Aerial surveillance estimates suggested
the region was producing $4.5bn worth of cannabis a year.
In 2015, police moved in and dismantled the drug
operations, pushing burning crops and arresting 15 alleged traffickers
in three days of gun battles that left at least one person killed.

“There was actual war,” says Ms Kuko.
Between 2011 and 2016, Albania destroyed 2.5m marijuana plants and 5,200 fields, according to government figures.
But just as burning the cannabis fields of Mexico pushed
the cartels toward the more profitable and high-stakes cocaine and
heroin trades, Albania’s traffickers also evolved.
Instead of taking chances by cultivating cannabis out in
the open, traffickers turned Albannia into a narcotics transit hub.
Heroin is smuggled into Albania via clothing and shoe imports brought in
from Turkey, one of the world’s largest textile exporters. Cocaine
comes in shipments of bananas and palm oil from Colombia. On 28 February
2018, authorities intercepted 613kg of cocaine disguised as a banana
shipment. Mr Hoxha describes a “spike” in the number of Albanians killed
in Latin American countries, especially Ecuador, when deals go sour.
The drugs are loaded on high-speed zodiac inflatable boats
bound for the Italian coast from Vlora, Durres or even the neighbouring
nation of Montenegro. In early December, Italy captured a 15m 300
horsepower boat carrying 1.5 tonnes of cannabis, a street value of more
than £10m.
Traffickers have also taken to the air, with what some
officials estimate as between five and 10 small plane loads of drugs
heading across the Adriatic to Italy per day, using secret runways
scratched out of mountain valleys, according to Mr Gjunkshi.

In recent years, much of the cannabis that
continues to grow is bundled up and shipped back to Turkey, along the
same networks used to bring heroin into the country.
Police launched an anti-narcotics task force in
2017, bringing in officials from the various ministries and the
intelligence service. Ms Kuko says authorities have identified 41
Albanian-rooted drug networks. One, nicknamed the Bajri gang, had
tentacles spreading to the Netherlands, Belgium and Spain, and was
involved in blackmailing and money-laundering as well as trafficking.
Ms Kuko says authorities seized £34m from
traffickers in 2018. But even she complains that their work in hunting
down the traffickers often comes to naught, with criminals able to buy
their way out of jail.
“Impunity is a plague in this country,” she says.
“We’ve seen the results of active and non-active judges and
prosecutors. I can find out anything, but I can’t do anything if a judge
doesn’t give me a warrant.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
Durres, overlooking the country’s main seaport. Albania, one of
the poorest countries of Europe, is undergoing a construction boom that
some worry is being funded by drug money (Borzou Daragahi)

 

The leaked phone call transcripts were
damning. Saimir Tarhi, Albania’s former interior minister, was mentioned
by Italy-based traffickers of Albanian descent. Prosecutors wanted his
head. But to the shock of many, the country’s Prime Minister Edi Rama
stood by him, refusing to strip him of his immunity last year. He
remains under house arrest pending trial.

While the government denies it, experts say the
traffickers have thoroughly infected politics and commerce, at the
deepest levels. Scores of high-level Albanian officials — from mayors
to ministers — have been implicated in the drug trade, and perhaps
enable it. Among those identified by local media is Kelmend Baili, a
ranking transport official dubbed the “Escobar of the Balkans”, after allegations that he was a drug kingpin surfaced in Greece.
To give one example of possible collusion between
traffickers and officials, a network of Lockheed-Martin
radar has sensors been installed all along the coast. In theory it 
should help officials detect any seacraft longer than 3.5m. But in
practice, 15m boats loaded with narcotics keep showing up in Italy.
Mr Gjunkshi says that in his constituency of
Dibra, in Albania’s north, police are directly involved in the growing,
cultivating, packaging, transport and selling of drugs.
“In terms of the influence the money has, it’s a
very complex network of drug money just getting into everything, and
influencing everything – all strata of society,” says researcher Mr
Rakaj. “That includes money laundering, and party financing.”

After studying in the UK and US for some years, Mr Rakaj
returned to Tirana 10 months ago and settled in the capital’s Blloku
district. Once a barren security zone around the palace of former
Communist dictator Enver Hoxha, it has over the past few years sprouted
into a trendy, upmarket warren of pricey condos, retail outlets and
eateries.

 

“You have people showing off with luxury cars
and they are in their early 20s,” he says. “You can very easily discern
that these people don’t have the background, education, or training to
be able to have that sort of wealth in their hands. It comes with power.
They’re really into that bling culture that’s in your face.”

Once impoverished fishing and port towns along
the coast are teeming with hotels, restaurants and new apartment towers,
with traffickers sometimes strong-arming local officials to win control
of cherished plots of lands. The lure of the drug business appears to
be irresistible to young people with few opportunities in a country with
a GDP per capita that’s about the same as Cuba. Starting salaries for
civil servants are around £300 per month.

“I think Albanians getting into drugs is very purely about
getting money and getting rich quick,” says Mr Rakaj. “The country
offers very little in terms of living a dignified life even if you’re
hardworking. This is a sort of a shortcut to really break out of a
poverty.”
Vincent Triest contributed to this report.

 










Die Internationale Mafia: Durres Taliban schlägt wieder zu: Mafia Familie Laku: DCI Company und Wild West in Tradition

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

5 Milliarden Kokain Markt der Politik Albaner Mafia in England

 
Montenegro schon mit Darko Saric, eng mit der Albaner Mafia verbunden mit Spanischen Drehscheiben, seitdem Kokain Kartell des Sokol Kociu, Ferdinand Durda, ist eine Legende, ebenso bei Morden. Montenegro, der Stanaj Clan und die VW, Audi Vertretung, in Tuzi inzwischen wieder aufgelöst.

 Einziger Regierungs Stile der EU, Berliner Ratten mit Edi Rama.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Die Spuren führen nun seitdem Visa Skandal immer nach Deutschland (heute mit dem „Clan del Golfo“,
wo Regierungs Chef, direkt auch zu den Anwälten der Verbrecher Clans
Verbindung haben, in deren Handy Speicher die Nummern gespeichert sind.
Drogen Baron: Arber Cekaj alias Arber Kulicak, direkt in Düsseldorf verhaftet, natürlich mit einer anderen ID Karte, einer dänischen diesmal.

Der Bruder von Edi Rama, Olsi Rama, ein Georg Soros Mann mit dem Gangster Tom Doshi

Goldene und teure Uhren bei Polizei Direktoren mit dem Super Mafia
Boss: Samir Tahiri, identisch wie bei S. Ceblis, vom Auswärtigem Amte
einem Club der Hirnlosen

https://tse2.mm.bing.net/th?id=OIP.9IlUkRdPU96NL9ZlrwkviAHaHZ&pid=15.1&P=0&w=300&h=300
Sohn des Edi Rama: Gregor Rama, was Alles sagt: 60.000 $ Maybach Brille, mit Sicherheit echt.


Luxus Bau, der Altin Avdyli Gruppe: National Strasse, Tirana – Kavaje, an der Abzweigung nach Shiak

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Deutsche Politiker, Diplomaten, Botschafter sind immer dabei, denn für
die Erlöse werden gepanzerte Luxus Autos gekauft, von VW, Mercedes, oder
BMW Super getunte Maschinen, wie der Dalipi Mord zeigte.

n einem illegalem Mafia Bau
bei Elbasan vor. in Tradition bei Edi Rama. Kaum zuglauben, die
Dreistigkeit der kriminellen Edi Rama Regierung, wenn man unter den
Protesten der Anwohner erneut direkt bei der übelsten Mafia in illegalen
Lokalen, eine Regierungs Tagung organisiert. Edi Rama kennt jeden
Ganoven und Drogen Boss in Elbasan. Taulant Balla erneut dabei. Mafia
Zentrale Elbasan, das illegale „Fish City“ Anlage, wo erneut Edi Rama
eine Kabinets Tagung machte, obwohl die Anlage mit grossen Grundstücks
Diebstahl, keine Legalisierung erhielt.
Original Edi Rama Mafia Stile, weil er nur in illegalen Mafia Bauten an der Küste, hier nun bei Elbasan verkehrt.
bildschirmfoto vom 2019-01-07 07-45-52
Edi Rama Tradition. Kabinetts Sitzungen bei der Super Mafia in
illegalen Bauten, die nie eine Genehmigung erhielten in seinem Landraub
System
http://top-channel.tv/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/WhatsApp-Image-2019-01-06-at-11.50.14-1038x675.jpeg

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Im Monte Parlament: 2 Abgeordnete Nebojša Medojević und Zoran
Beçiroviç, erklären im Parlament, das man die angeblichen Investitionen
von Bashkim Ulaj (EU Partner, mit dem ABBAS Zentrum, wo die EU Botschaft
residiert), mit der Baufirma Gener-2 überprüft, weil es Gelder der
Tropoje Drogen Mafia sind, real Nachfolger von „Darko Saric“ Kokain
König in Montenegro.
Bildergebnis für Naser Ramaj
Das Porto Budva, Appartment Projekt der Mafia,
wo in der Regel immer 2-5 Gangster ein Projekt betreiben. Bauschrott
garantiert, und ohne Beton Rüttler, was die Ziegenhirten des Verbrechens
verweigern. rweigern.
Partner vor Ort: Naser Ramaj Natürlich auch noch Fussball Präsident, als Markenzeichen und 35 Jahre.; Club: KF Feronikell
Eine Doko über die Drogen Clans, rund um Kokain und dem permanenten Identitäten Wechsel,
was jeder vor 15 Jahren schon wusste, korrupte Internationale wie Knut
Fleckendstein, Johannes Hahn, als Fortschritt verkaufen und dann die
dumme Quoten Frauen Bande in Tirana.
kommentierte der Journalist und Autor des Dokumentarfilms“ Clandestino „David BERIAIN.
http://www.kohajone.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/David-Beriain.jpg
Der Dokumentarfilm Ort für Albanien
BERIAIN könnte in das Herz dieser schrecklichen kriminellen Organisation eingefügt werden.

Gangster Monopole

Albania: One step forward, two steps back

Schon 1995 waren die Zustände bekannt, in Verantwortung der Internationalen, welche die Zustände schweigend duldeten. DER SPIEGEL 38/1995DER SPIEGEL 38/1995

Artikel als PDF ansehen Artikel als PDF ansehen Albanien: Plötzlich sterben Albanien: Plötzlich sterben

 

Der neue Kabinetts Chef von Edi Rama: Engjell Agaci, wird von
Berisha, als Gross Drogen Schmuggler geoutet. Aber das ist die normale
Verleumdung von Berisha durchaus. Fakt ist, das Engjell Agaci, keinerlei Kompetenz hat,
Erfahrung sich diesen Posten erkaufte, identisch wie der Gangster Oured
Bykybahsi bei Berisha. Inkompetenz und Betrug als Programm. Er schweigt
zu der Super Kathastrophe mit den Überschwemmungen, dokumentiert erneut
die absolute Unfähigkeit. Engjëll Agaçi, sekretari i ri i përgjithshëm i Kryeministrisë

September 16, 2013 17:47

Engjëll Agaçi, sekretari i ri i përgjithshëm i Kryeministrisë

Deutsche Politiker, aus der ordinären Gutmenschen Mafia sind immer dabei in Tradition
a laufen unendliche Operationen, was mit 15 Jahren Verspätung passiert. Der Kokain Handel, direkt von der KfW finanziert und mit Hilfe der SPD und AA Verbrecher Banden.

Nikolaus Staud
MItglied im grössten Drogen Kartell der Welt, wo es schon Hunderte von Verhaftungen gab.

Saarbrücken – Sein Namenspatron hat Geschenke im Sack. Beim saarländischen Linken-Politiker Nikolaus Leo Staud fanden Fahnder des Landeskriminalamtes laut Informationen der Bildzeitung dagegen zwei Kilogramm Marihuana, mit einem Straßenverkaufswert von rund 20 000 Euro. Der Politiker wurde verhaftet.

https://www.journalistenwatch.com/2018/11/11/linker-nikolaus-staud/

 

5 mal Sallaku Brüder erneut in Italien verhaftet, Drogen und Kokain Handel.

 

Trafik
droge dhe armësh në Itali/ 5 vëllezërit Sallaku rikthehen në burg, 2
gratë në arrest shtëpie – Si doli zbuluar familja nga përgjimet

Kaum zu glauben wie korrupt und dumm die Angela Merkel Minister, Berater sind. Peinlich wenn man überhaupt zu dem Ratten Treffen nach Davos fährt. Treffen mit üblen Gangstern, wie Georg Soros, Tony Blair, Al Gore, schlimmer könnte es nicht mehr sein.

Die Dümmsten Irren regieren in Europa

Kompetenz braucht man nicht, auch keinen Beruf: Käuflichkeit und Korruption – der sichere Weg zur Politiker Karriere in Deutschland

Hinten Rechts Altmaier

 

Altmaier hier mit Gangstern wie Edmond Panariti, um die Drogen Geschäfte aus EU Agrar Fund zu finanzieren und Christian Schmid. Der dumme Mensch, hat natürlich Twitter account um sich wichtig zumachen.

Good breakfast-meeting with @georgesoros: thx a lot for your support for Europe and our global values. We shall never accept anti-semitism, intolerance, populism!
— Peter Altmaier (@peteraltmaier) 24. Januar 2019

https://twitter.com/peteraltmaier/

Bundeswirtschaftsminister Peter Altmaier nimmt vom 23.-24. Januar 2019 am Jahrestreffen des World Economic Forum (WEF) teil, das unter dem Motto „Globalisierung 4.0: Auf der Suche nach einer globalen Architektur im Zeitalter der Vierten Industriellen Revolution“ in Davos, Schweiz, stattfindet. Minister Altmaier diskutiert dort unter anderem gemeinsam mit EU-Kommissar Pierre Moscovici und anderen hochrangigen Vertretern in einer Paneldiskussion über strategische Wirtschaftsfragen für Europa (23.1.19, 16-17 Uhr) und trifft unter anderem Bruno Le Maire, Tony Blair, George Soros und Al Gore zu Gesprächen.


https://www.bmwi.de/